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The E.U. Iran Policy(1)

2005-08-19 08:39

  The E.U. Iran Policy: A Multilateral Approach

  欧盟多边主义的实验田

  环顾全球,中东地区似乎永远是一个是非之地:巴以冲突似乎就没有停息过,战争也不能解决伊拉克的问题,该地区的反美情绪日益高涨。然而,一个新的苗头却又开始在这个地区酝酿起来——伊朗的核实验问题。而伴随着这个问题的发展,出现一个新的现象,即欧洲大国开始与美国

  并驾齐驱地介入这个问题。不同于美国的是,这些欧洲大国采取的是多边主义方式……

  As 2004 came to an end the world had a lot of news stories to pay attention to. Bush's second term, Arafat's passing and the electoral crisis in the Ukraine all dominated our T.V. screens and newspapers. In the middle of all this something else occurred that was equally significant. Three European countries, Germany, France and Britain, acting together and ignoring the U.S., managed to make a deal with Iran on its uranium processing programme.

  当2004年落下帷幕,全球有许多新闻报道都值得关注。电视上和报纸上充斥的全是布什的第二任期、阿拉法特的过世以及乌克兰的大选危机等报道。在这其中,还发生了一件同等重要的事情。三个欧洲国家——德国、法国和英国采取联合行动,置美国于不顾,设法与伊朗就其铀加工计划达成了一项协议。

  The issue of Iran and its possible intention to develop nuclear weapons had built momentum through the year. By the start of last year, when American Congressional members visited Tehran, it seemed that a thaw in U.S.-Iran relations was possible. The U.S. knows that Iranian support would make its tasks in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East easier, while the Iranian government could use the popularity at home that American investment would generate. But as the year moved on revelations that Iran had been deceiving the rest of the world about its nuclear experiments put an end to any hope of U.S.-Iran rapprochement.

  伊朗及其可能想发展核武器的问题在过去一年中越闹越大。去年伊始,当美国国会议员访问德黑兰之时,美伊关系出现解冻似乎成为可能。美国明白,伊朗的支持将使其在伊拉克、阿富汗和中东开展行动时更加从容,而美国的投资则会使伊朗政府得到其需要的国内支持。但是这一年中,随着时间的推移,伊朗一直向全球其它国家隐瞒其核试验一事终被曝光,这使恢复美伊关系的希望成为泡影。

  Are the Iranians planning to develop a nuclear bomb? The Americans certainly think so and Iran has every motive to do so. Israel has nuclear weapons and has no intention of signing the non-proliferation treaty. Both the U.S. and the U.K. appear to be contemplating restarting nuclear weapons programmes and Iran is surrounded by American military bases. Having nuclear weapons would put Iran in a much securer position.

  伊朗人打算发展核弹吗?美国人肯定是这么认为的,而伊朗也完全有这样去做的动机。以色列是拥有核武器的,而且并不打算签署核不扩散条约。美国和英国也似乎都在考虑着重新启动核武器计划,而伊朗则处在美国军事基地的包围之中。拥有核武器将使伊朗处于一个更为安全的境地。

  To make matters more complicated, the IAEA, the organisation that is supposed to halt proliferation, is in fact aiding it. This is due to a belief that countries can benefit from developing nuclear power without developing nuclear weapons. The scientific evidence used to prove that Iran was building the bomb in 2004 is very shaky. Enriching uranium and producing heavy water could be used to build weapons. These processes could also be used to develop nuclear power generators.

  使事情更趋复杂的是,理应制止核扩散的国际原子能机构却在事实上为此提供帮助。其原因要归咎于一种看法,即各国在不发展核武器的前提下可以从开发核能源中受益。用于证明伊朗一直在2004年发展核弹的科学依据是极不可靠的。对铀进行浓缩和制造重水是可以用来制造武器的。而这些工序也可以用来开发核能发电机。

  By the summer of 2004, we were faced with a situation similar to that of two years before. The attempts of the U.S. to create pressures for action against Iran were more than reminiscent of the build up to the invasion of Iraq and the issue of Saddam's alleged weapons of mass destruction. Behind the intelligence reports are neo-conservative Americans with one aim in mind: regime change.

  到了2004年夏的时候,我们所面对的形势与两年前的时势是相似的。美国的企图是,为对伊朗采取行动施加压力,而这更多地让人回想起为入侵伊拉克所做的准备以及萨达姆所谓的大规模杀伤性武器问题。而隐藏在这些情报报告之后的则是那些奉行新保守主义的美国人,他们心中的目标只有一个:政权更迭。

  With its troops tied up in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. ① is in no position to send in ground troops to vent its frustration with Tehran. During the summer, they hinted, instead, that they would use Special Forces and air strikes to target the offending facilities. Interestingly, the U.K. did not follow their American allies on this one, choosing instead to ②side with the 'old' European countries of Germany and France. Their talks with the Iranians looked like they had ended in failure by the end of the summer with both sides accusing the other of bad faith.

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