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安东尼·艾登 坚定的政策

2006-07-07 16:53

Anthony Eden

A FIRM POLICY

February 21,1938

  There are occasions when strong political convic-tions must override all other considerations.Ofsuch an occasion,only the individual himself canbe the judge.

  The objective of foreign policy in this countryis and must always be the maintenance of peace.If,however,peace is to be enduring,it must reston foundations of frank reciprocity and of mutualrespect.It follows that we must be ready to nego-tiate with all countries,whatever their forms ofgovernment,in order to promote international un-derstanding.But we must also be watchful that,inour conception of such negotiations and in themethod by which we seek to further them,we are,in fact,strengthening,not undermining,the foun-dations on which international confidence rests.

  The immediate issue is whether such officialconversations(between the British and Italian gov-ernments) should be opened in Rome now.In myconviction,the attitude of the Italian governmentto international problems in general,and thiscountry in particular,is not yet such as to justifythis course.The ground has been in no respectprepared.Propaganda against this country by theltalian government is rife throughout the world.Iam myself pledged to this House not to open con-versations with Italy until this hostile propagandaceases.Moreover,little progress in fact,thoughmuch in promise,has been made with the solutionof the Spanish problem.Let me make it plain thatI do not suggest and would not advocate that thegovernment should refuse conversations with the I-talian government,or indeed with any other gov-ernment which shows any disposition to conversa-tion with us for betterment of international under-standing.Yet we must see that the conditions inwhich these conversations take place are such as tomake for the likelihood,if not for the certainty,oftheir success.In my view,those conditions do notexist today.

  In January of last year,after difficult negotia-tions,we signed an Anglo-Italian agreement.Within a very few days-indeed,almost simultane-ously—a considerable consignment of Italians leftfor Spain.It may be said that this was not a breachof our understanding;but no one,I think,willcontend that it did not run counter to its spirit.The same agreement contained a specific clausedealing with the cessation of propaganda,yet pro-paganda was scarcely diminished for an instant.

  Then last summer the Prime Minister and Sig-nor Mussolini exchanged letters,and after that fora few days relations between our two countriestook a marked turn for the better.There ensuedthe incidents in the Mediterranean,with which theHouse is familiar.

  My submission is that we cannot run the riskof further repetition of these experiences.

  We must agree not only on the need for with-drawal(of the foreign fighters now in Spain),buton the conditions of withdrawal.We have had as-surances enough of that in the past.We must gofarther,and show the world not only promises butachievement.

  We cannot consider this problem except in re-lation to the international situation as a whole.Weare in the presence of progressive deterioration ofrespect for international obligations.It is quite im-possible to judge these things in a vacuum.This isthe moment for this country to stand firm,not toplunge into negotiations unprepared,with fore-knowledge that the obstacle to their success hasnot been resolved.

  Agreements that are worth while are nevermade on the basis of threats,nor,in the past,hasthis country been willing to negotiate in such con-ditions.

  It has never entered into my conception tosuggest that the Italian forces alone should bewithdrawn from Spain,but only that the Italiangovernment should agree to,and carry out withothers,a fair scheme for the proposed withdrawalof all forces from Spain.

  I am conscious why I stand here,and why mycolleagues take another view.If they are right,their chances for success will certainly be enhancedif their policy is pursued through another ForeignSecretary.

  I should not be frank with the House if I pre-tended it is an isolated issue between the PrimeMinister and myself.It is not.Within in the last fewweeks,upon one of the most important decisionsof foreign policy,which did not concern Italy atall,the difference was fundamental.Moreover,itrecently has become clear to me,and,I think tohim,that there is between us a real difference inthe outlook and method.

  Of late the conviction has steadily grown uponme that there has been too keen a desire on ourpart to make terms with others,rather than thatothers should make terms with us.This has neverbeen the attitude of this country in the past.Itshould not,in the interests of peace,be our atti-tude today.

  I do not believe we can make progress in Euro-pean appeasement—more particularly in the lightof the events of the last few days—if we allow theimpression to gain currency abroad that we yield toconstant pressure.

  I am certain in my own mind that progress de-ponds,above all,on the temper,of the nation,andthat temper must find expression in a firm spirit.That spirit,I am confident,is there.Not to givevoice to it is,I believe,fair neither to this countrynor to the world.

坚定的政策

1938年2月21日

  有些时候强烈的政治信念必须高于其他一切考虑。在这种时候,只有个人自己能够做出判断。我国的外交政策的目标是,而且必须始终是维护和平。然而,和平如要持久,就要建立在真诚相待和相互尊重的基础上。因此,为了增进国际谅解,我们就必须随时准备与任何国家协商,而不管他们具有何种政体。但是我们也必须注意到,事实上我们正在按照我们对于这种协商的设想和我们用以探索促进这种协商的方法,加强而不是削弱国际信任赖以立足的基础。

  当前急需解决的问题是:现在是否就应该在罗马开始(英国政府与意大利政府之间的)这种官方的会谈。依我之见,意大利政府对国际问题的总的态度,尤其是对我国的态度,还不足以证明进行会谈的正确性。无论在哪一方面条件都未成熟。意大利政府在全世界大搞反英宣传。本人向下院保证,在这种敌对宣传停止之前不和意大利会谈。此外,在解决西班牙问题方面,尽管有许多承诺,事实上几乎没有取得什么进展。我要说明的是,我并不建议,也不会赞成政府拒绝和意大利政府,乃至有意与我们为改善国际谅解而会谈的任何其他政府会谈。然而我们必须明白,举行这些会谈的条件应该是有助于使会谈的成功成为可能,即使不是必然。依我之见,那些条件现在还不具备。

  去年1月,经过艰难的谈判之后,我们签署了英意协定。在短短几天之内——实际上几乎是在同时——大批意大利人被运送到西班牙。也许有人会说,这不是破坏我们的协议;但是我想没有人会认为这没有违反协定的精神。就是这个协定包含了一项涉及停止宣传的特定条款,然而宣传几乎没有减少过片刻。

  接着在去年夏天,首相和墨索里尼先生交换了信件,我们两国之间的关系在此后的短短几天里曾经有明显的好转。但随之而来的是地中海地区所发生的事件。下院对这些事件是熟悉的。

  我认为我们不能冒重蹈覆辙的危险。

  我们不仅必须在(目前西班牙境内的外国战斗人员)撤离的必要性上,而且还必须在撤离的条件上达成一致意见。过去我们对此有过足够的信心。我们必须继续努力,不仅向世界展示希望,而且还要展示成功。

  我们在思考这个问题时不能把它与整个国际局势的联系排除在外。我们正面临对国际义务的日益不尊重。对这些问题根本不可能在真空中作出评判。预见到谈判成功的障碍仍未消除,我国现在就该站稳立场,而不贸然进行毫无准备的谈判。

  有价值的协议从来不是在威胁的基础上达成的。我们这个国家过去从来不愿在这种情况下进行谈判。

  我从来没有想到过要意大利军队单独撤离西班牙,而只是想表示:意大利政府应该同意并且与其他国家一起执行一项建议所有军队撤离西班牙的公平的计划。

  我意识到我为什么坚持这个观点,也意识到我的同僚们为什么持另一种观点。如果我的同僚们是正确的,而他们的政策通过另一个外交大臣得以实行,那么他们成功的机会当然会增加。

  如果我假装说我和首相之间的分歧只是一个孤立的问题,那么我就没有向下院说实话。这不是一个孤立的问题。就在过去的几个星期中,我们在一项极为重要的外交决策方面的分歧是根本性的分歧,这项决策与意大利毫不相干。而且近来我已越来越清楚,我想他也一样:我们之间在观点和方法上都存在着真正的分歧。

  近来,我日益坚信,与其说别人应和我方达成协议,不如说我方过分热衷于要和别人达成协议。我国以前从未采取过这种态度。从和平的利益来看,这也不是我们今天应有的态度。

  如果我们让这样的印象在国外流传:我们已屈服于持续的压力,那么,我不相信我们能够在欧洲缓和问题上取得进展,特别是从最近几天所发生的事件来看,我就更不相信了。

  我确信,能否取得进展首先取决于民族的勇气,而这种勇气必须表现在一种坚定的精神之中。我相信这种精神是存在的。我认为,不指出这一点,无论对我国还是对全世界都是不公平的。

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